A Snapshot of a Successful Public Relations Strategy

K. Sai Prasaad Convergence Institute of Media Management and Information Technology Studies, India Ramya Raghupathy Bangalore, India Legislative elections are held in India every 5 years; and in 2004, the election was held in four phases between April 20 and May 10. More than 670 million people were eligible to vote, electing 543 members of the 14th Lok Sabha and seven state legislatures. This case study is a chronological outline of the public relations activities that a politician, Raghuveera Reddy, undertook in his quest for a seat in the legislative assembly during the general election of 2004. He was successfully elected and is currently the minister for agriculture in the government of Andhra Pradesh. A deep analysis reveals that in India, like in any other part of the world, playing on people’s emotions and invoking the caste factor plays a significant role in electoral success. Keywords: public relations; political PR; PR in India; election PR Elections in India are at best an elaborate festival and at worst a chaotic democratic exercise. The Election Commission of India, an independent statutory body set up under the Indian Constitution, reports to the highest political executive and oversees the elections. Legislative elections were held in India, the world’s largest democracy, in four phases between April 20 and May 10, 2004. More than 670 million people were eligible to vote, electing 543 members of the 14th Lok Sabha (the House of the People, the lower house of the Indian legislature). On May 13, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party conceded defeat after an unexpectedly strong showing by the Indian National Congress Party (INC), which although not winning a majority outright, was able to put together a majority under the direction of the Gandhi family matriarch, Sonia Gandhi, the Italian-born widow of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. However, Gandhi surprised almost all observers by declining to become the new prime minister, citing the division that her rule would bring. Instead, she asked former Finance Minister Manmohan Singh, a Western-educated and well-respected international economist, to take control of the new government. Singh had previously served under INC Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao in the early 1990s, when he was the architect of India’s first economic liberalization plan that staved off an impending national monetary crisis. Along with the parliamentary elections, seven legislatures held elections to state governments. This case study is a chronological outline of the public relations activities that a politician, Raghuveera Reddy, undertook in his quest for a seat in the legislative assembly of the southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh during the general elections of 2004. On January 2, Raghuveera Reddy’s public relations activities started with the prelaunch of a walkathon through his constituency of 336 villages. The prelaunch preparations included posters, announcements on local radio and community loudspeakers, media relations, and interaction for coverage and preevent activities. On January 10, the walkathon started with extensive print and electronic media coverage. The main goal of this walkathon was to position the INC as a farmerfriendly political party by listening to farmers’ grievances and noting their problems. This walkathon helped in building a positive public image for the INC because it was planned and executed prior to the peak campaign season in the hopes of convincing voters that the INC not only approaches its public at the time of elections but also is always positioned as a party whose primary concern is people welfare, not party welfare. The walkathon also helped highlight the problems faced by people in this constituency, which was the groundwork for creating the party agenda for the elections. Based on these problems, promises were made. The walkathon ended on a high note on February 10. From February 12 to 15, the candidate started a fasting program to oppose the policies of the previous government, run by the Telugu Desam Party, that supposedly affected the living of farmers. The fast was a big success, and the candidate’s actions received maximum print media coverage. On February 17, Raghuveera Reddy began a series of Panchayat Raj (local selfgovernment) meetings in the five mandals (districts) of his constituency of Madakasira. The districts include Agali (15 panchayats), Amarapuram (14 panchayats), Rolla (19 panchayats), Gudibanda (21 panchayats), and Madakasira (25 panchayats). The candidate also undertook village-focused campaigns during which every panchayat was met and sarpanchs (village executive officers) gave their petitions to the candidate; both their problems and party goals were discussed in these meetings. Because the village panchayat is at the grassroots level of our democracy, this activity was performed to reach every citizen in the constituency. Assurances and promises were made and all this, again, received a lot of media (local print) coverage. The candidate embarked on a caste-focused campaign in every village as well, during which the head and prominent members of every caste and religion were met and their demands were noted. Once this was done, their support and the support of the members of their caste and community were promised to the candidate. Thus, they now had to campaign to all their caste members and to their community so that all their votes would be diverted toward the INC. This also received media coverage, which in general terms portrayed Raghuveera Reddy as interested in not only the welfare of his own community but also the general uplifting of all communities. In March, a youth congress activists meeting was held, during which all of their demands and petitions were discussed. The youth congress working committee submitted its report on March 5, which consisted of an agenda for the elections. The agenda included organizing sports events—the Sriram Reddy Memorial Tournament (the candidate’s father and an ex-member of Parliament)— and distributing mementos; cricket sets for college students were also undertaken. There were road shows and street walk campaigns for the INC, as well as music releases— audiocassettes about Raghuveera Reddy, songs praising him and the party, and songs criticizing the Telugu Desam government. The youth working committee managed all cassette lyrics, music composition, recording, production and performance, and distribution. Street plays were arranged, allowing talented youth to capture the attention of voters and spread the message of the INC. Folk music and folklore were used extensively as well, with folk songs sung by the Lambani (tribes of Andhra Pradesh) in praise of the candidate and his family and the social service that the family performs in the constituency. These were the highlight of the songs. Because such music is a simple, effective, and known medium of the localities, it was very effective. In addition, election materials (flags, banners, caps, etc.) were distributed by members of the youth congress working committee. The committee also organized a bike rally; 10,000 bike riders went to each village, making an impact on the voters. This was done to show the kind of support the candidate had and it was hoped would, thus, have a positive impact on the voters’ minds. Members of Raghuveera Reddy’s family took part in this rally, including the candidate himself riding a bike, which made the headlines in the next day’s newspapers. The popular film director, actor, and comedian Dasari Narayan Rao as well as the film actress Nagma were asked to entertain the crowd and address the gathering in public rallies throughout the constituency. Hari katha (discourse and singing about God) is another effective medium to reach voters and, thus, they too were coordinated by the youth committees. Mythological stories and stories about the candidate and his family’s contribution toward society were narrated in a musical manner. Raghuveera Reddy’s family also assisted in promoting his candidacy. Health camps, including a free health camp for the aged and sick, along with social services were organized by the candidates’family (many of whom are doctors). Free medicine and treatment were given to the poor and needy. This was done in response to the health clinic opened by the candidate’s rival and in the hope of recapturing voters’ attention. These received tremendous media coverage. The family tradition of the candidate is to perform a 3-day festival—Sri Rama Navami Celebrations—in the constituency. Raghuveera Reddy’s family owns the Neelakantapuram group of temples where these festivities take place, and people from throughout the constituency participate in them. On the first day of the event, the fam ily performs free mass marriages in the constituency; this time nearly 500 couples were married. Gold Mangalsuthras (sacred threads), new clothes for the couples, and food were provided. Although this is a major event in the constituency and occurs annually, in 2004 it was held during the time of the elections and, thus, tremendous mileage was added because of the media coverage. Apart from this there was an addition to the group of temples. A Saraswathi temple (Goddess of Learning) was inaugurated by the family, which again received coverage from the press and electronic media. The family undertook many charity activities during the 3-day festival. By mid-March it was time for filing the nomination, and loud speakers were used to spread the news of the candidate’s nomination. Everyone was invited to join him for filing his nomination on March 15 and pamphlets and bills were distributed. Raghuveera Reddy lives in Neelakantapuram, a hamlet in Madakasira constituency. He has both a political and a rural background. So, keeping his background in mind, the youth committee organized a very different nomination ceremony. He had to travel nearly 30 km to file his nomination. This he did on a bullock cart. Thousands of such carts from throughout the constituency followed him, and the crowd was uncontrollable at the Regional Mandal office. Such a scene was very unique and, thus, the candidate garnered a lot of coverage for this event. Madakasira is situated in the Rayalaseema area of the state, in the heart of hardcore Naxal violence in Andhra Pradesh. There is a lot of violence during elections too. Opposition party workers attacked the houses of the INC workers, killing them and burning their houses. With each event, the candidate’s reaction to the violence was seen on the front page of the major newspapers almost every day. Raghuveera Reddy went on a Satyagraha near the police station in Madakasira, seeking justice for all the people who were affected by the election violence. By April there was also an all-women’s meeting at which the candidate addressed women in each constituency; this too was highlighted by the media. Various organizations, associations, clubs, teachers associations, lawyers bar councils, sports clubs, nongovernmental organizations, and self-help groups were met by the candidate individually; and he requested their support. These meetings received excellent media coverage. Dinners and picnics were also arranged for these people. When the chief ministerial aspirant, Y. S. Rajashekar Reddy’s walkathon reached Madakasira, the candidate joined this yatra (spiritual journal). This was made special by arranging a white-colored convoy of 336 cars that traveled through the 336 villages across the constituency. This was a very impressive sight and afforded ample media coverage. People in this constituency are also devotees of Sri Sathya Sai Baba of Puttaparthy. So an event was organized by the candidate where Baba’s message was given to the people. The candidate visited Tirupathi and other major South Indian temples, and during his darshan (to see) of the deity, flowers offered to the statue of the god fell. This was considered a good omen, and what had transpired spread by word of mouth like wildfire, with many people believing that even the local deities had blessed Raghuveera Reddy, that even God was on his side, and that he could not be defeated. This made major news in the local press and had a positive impact on the voters. There is a superstition in Andhra Pradesh that people with skin problems should not rule the state because this brings famine and bad luck. The then-incumbent chief minister, Chandra Babu Naidu, suffers from a pigmentation problem; and in his two terms of rule, there had been no rains, only famine. The day he resigned from his post there were showers throughout the state. The candidate highlighted and publicized this in the constituency and, thus, received press attention. When Telugu Desam Party President Chandrababu Naidu came to visit Madakasira, supporters of the INC candidate did not allow him entry into the town. From his air base to the place where he was scheduled to address a rally, people slept on the ground so that his car could not pass. He had no choice but to leave. Even the police could not help him to address his rally. This was, again, a major event that got full coverage in the media and was on the front pages for nearly 3 days in local newspapers. Because the State Assembly and Parliament elections were held together, Nizzamuddin, the parliamentary candidate, campaigned jointly with Raghuveera Reddy. This campaign was called the Hindu-Muslim bahi-bhai campaign and became a major media event. Apart from all this, there were hundreds of press conferences where the press was given “gossip news” about the opposition party. When the results of the May elections were announced, Raghuveera Reddy had won by a handsome margin, defeating the nearest rival by more than 1 lakh (100,000) votes. He is currently the minister for agriculture in the state of Andhra Pradesh. K. Sai Prasaad is currently professor of marketing and management communications at Convergence Institute of Media, Management and Information Technology Studies, Bangalore, India. A management graduate and an experienced journalist, he is an expert in curriculum design and consults with several corporate groups on communication matters. He undertakes internal communication audits for companies and communication training and development program for faculty of management colleges. He believes in balancing professional requirements with human values and is currently working on a synopsis for a Ph.D. program in customer relationship management. Ramya Raghupathy is currently exploring opportunities to be an independent filmmaker of offbeat films in English and Hindi. After graduating from Convergence Institute of Media, Management and Information Technology Studies with a specialization in public relations and corporate communications, she was an independent communications consultant before she entered the world of film. She has a political back ground, with her family active in politics.

Ambiguity, Distorted Messages, and Nested Environmental Effects on Political Communication

In this paper we are concerned with the clarity of political signals transmitted through political conversation and the accuracy with which those signals are perceived. The social communication of political information is subject to distortion effects that arise due to skewed expectations on the part of the receiver and ambiguous representations on the part of the sender. Indeed, communication that occurs between two citizens might be distorted either by characteristics of the individuals who are transmitting and receiving messages, or by characteristics of the setting in which the information is being transmitted. We argue that the power of majority opinion is magnified by the inferential devices that citizens use to reach judgments in the face of ambiguous political messages and hence the use of a personal experience heuristic gives rise to a political bias that favors the continued dominance of majority opinion. ow important is political communication among citizens? Political discussion is an efficient vehicle for becoming informed about politics (Downs 1957); it is a widespread activity with influential consequences (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee 1954; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet 1944); and it may be fundamentally important to the vitality of democratic politics. At the same time, relatively few citizens demonstrate highly intense levels of political interest and engagement (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995); politics is only one among many important topics competing for airtime during citizens' conversations (Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995); few of the com Nested Environmental Effects 997 municated opinions are likely to be carefully researched (Sniderman, Brody, and Tetlock 1991); and many of the political messages delivered through social communication consist of offhand comments and the very briefest expressions of sentiment. For all these reasons, a great deal of political discussion and communication is likely to be imbedded in ambiguity and uncertainty. And the uncertainty of ambiguous communication gives rise to distortions based on the characteristics of the person sending the message, the characteristics of the person receiving the message, and the various environments and settings within which the message is interpreted. In this paper we are concerned with the clarity of political signals transmitted through political conversation and the accuracy with which those signals are perceived. The potential for distorted communication arises due to individual and environmental effects operating at several nested and overlapping levels. First, social communication regarding politics is subject to distortion effects that arise both due to skewed expectations on the part of the receiver and ambiguous representations on the part of the sender. Second, political discussion often occurs at the discretion of individual citizens, within the closely defined social environments where they are located, but the distribution of political opinions within these microenvironments depends on the supply of viewpoints available in the larger political community, thereby truncating the distribution of political preferences to which citizens are regularly exposed (Huckfeldt et al. 1995; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995). Third, the level of distortion in dyadic information flows is contingent not only on the characteristics of the individuals involved in the dyad, but also on expectations that are formed on the basis of individual experience. These experiences, in turn, depend on the immediate circumstances of a person's location within these microenvironments. Finally, in assessing political communication, individuals employ methods of inferential judgment that, while yielding relatively accurate judgments in the aggregate, might give rise to a bias fostering the continued dominance of majority opinion (Miller 1956). In short, our analytic framework examines political communication within a series of nested environmental levels: individuals within dyads, dyads within microenvironments, and microenvironments within larger environments of opinion. We begin by addressing a number of substantive issues: the importance of disagreement among citizens, the factors that give rise to ambiguity and distortion in political communication, and the sources of a majoritarian bias in political communication and cognition. A Bayesian logic of inference is then articulated for examining nested environmental effects on political communication. Finally, based on an empirical analysis of the 1992 election, we assess the levels of political disagreement experienced by a national sample of survey respondents and their discussants, the extent to which perceptions of disagreement are contingent on the externally imposed supply of preferences in the surrounding macroenvironment, the accuracy of political communication between main respondents and R. Huckfeldt, P Beck, R. Dalton, J Levine, and W Morgan their discussants, and sources of distortion in the perceptions of discussants' political preferences. Disagreement, Ambiguity, and the Effectiveness of Communication If political discussion is to play an important role in democratic politics, it must introduce new information and new ideas to citizens, thereby creating disagreement as the inevitable by-product of deliberation (Granovetter 1973; McPhee 1963). If people only talk politics with others holding compatible views-or if they wrongly perceive their social contacts to hold sympathetic views-they may be spared the social and political discomfort of disagreement, but the communication of diverse political preferences is rendered ineffective.' Several factors might be expected to affect the level of political diversity-and hence the exposure to disagreement-across the range of a citizen's social contacts. First, the combination of segregated social groups and polarized political preferences reduces the likelihood of encountering alternative political viewpoints (Huckfeldt and Kohfeld 1989). Second, the level of political homogeneity within a citizen's social space is increased to the extent that citizens employ politically relevant selection criteria in constructing their own patterns of social interaction, thereby locating themselves in politically agreeable microenvironments (Finifter 1974). Finally, to the extent that individuals are either unable or disinclined to censor their patterns of political communication, the distribution of political viewpoints in the larger environment takes on heightened importance as a factor that affects individual exposure to alternative political viewpoints (Huckfeldt et al. 1995; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995). In short, the level of exposure to disagreement and diversity within patterns of political communication is problematic, both across groups and across individuals, and hence the vitality of democratic discourse is an open question. Just as important, while environmental supply and individual control affect the probabilities of exposure to alternative political viewpoints, exposure alone does not insure the effective communication of political disagreement. In order for politically diverse and disagreeable viewpoints to be communicated effectively, it is also necessary that they be perceived correctly. In this sense, effective communication depends on accurate perception. Of course, inaccurately perceived messages may also be influential, and for many purposes it is the perceived message that is most important for the choices that a citizen makes. But this does not alter the fact that incorrect perception has the potential to obscure and disguise diversity and disagreement at both the individual and aggregate levels. Several different factors serve to obscure rather than clarify the perception and expression of socially communicated political information. First, it may be help- 'None of this is meant to suggest that political disagreement is necessarily or inevitably an unpleasant experience for all individuals. Indeed, for some individuals, the expressive benefits of political discussion may even be increased as a consequence of disagreement (Fiorina 1990)  R. Huckfeldt, P Beck, R. Dalton, J Levine, and W Morgan their discussants, and sources of distortion in the perceptions of discussants' political preferences. Disagreement, Ambiguity, and the Effectiveness of Communication If political discussion is to play an important role in democratic politics, it must introduce new information and new ideas to citizens, thereby creating disagreement as the inevitable by-product of deliberation (Granovetter 1973; McPhee 1963). If people only talk politics with others holding compatible views-or if they wrongly perceive their social contacts to hold sympathetic views-they may be spared the social and political discomfort of disagreement, but the communication of diverse political preferences is rendered ineffective.' Several factors might be expected to affect the level of political diversity-and hence the exposure to disagreement-across the range of a citizen's social contacts. First, the combination of segregated social groups and polarized political preferences reduces the likelihood of encountering alternative political viewpoints (Huckfeldt and Kohfeld 1989). Second, the level of political homogeneity within a citizen's social space is increased to the extent that citizens employ politically relevant selection criteria in constructing their own patterns of social interaction, thereby locating themselves in politically agreeable microenvironments (Finifter 1974). Finally, to the extent that individuals are either unable or disinclined to censor their patterns of political communication, the distribution of political viewpoints in the larger environment takes on heightened importance as a factor that affects individual exposure to alternative political viewpoints (Huckfeldt et al. 1995; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995). In short, the level of exposure to disagreement and diversity within patterns of political communication is problematic, both across groups and across individuals, and hence the vitality of democratic discourse is an open question. Just as important, while environmental supply and individual control affect the probabilities of exposure to alternative political viewpoints, exposure alone does not insure the effective communication of political disagreement. In order for politically diverse and disagreeable viewpoints to be communicated effectively, it is also necessary that they be perceived correctly. In this sense, effective communication depends on accurate perception. Of course, inaccurately perceived messages may also be influential, and for many purposes it is the perceived message that is most important for the choices that a citizen makes. But this does not alter the fact that incorrect perception has the potential to obscure and disguise diversity and disagreement at both the individual and aggregate levels. Several different factors serve to obscure rather than clarify the perception and expression of socially communicated political information. First, it may be help- 'None of this is meant to suggest that political disagreement is necessarily or inevitably an unpleasant experience for all individuals. Indeed, for some individuals, the expressive benefits of political discussion may even be increased as a consequence of disagreement (Fiorina 1990)R. Huckfeldt, P Beck, R. Dalton, J Levine, and W Morgan their discussants, and sources of distortion in the perceptions of discussants' political preferences. Disagreement, Ambiguity, and the Effectiveness of Communication If political discussion is to play an important role in democratic politics, it must introduce new information and new ideas to citizens, thereby creating disagreement as the inevitable by-product of deliberation (Granovetter 1973; McPhee 1963). If people only talk politics with others holding compatible views-or if they wrongly perceive their social contacts to hold sympathetic views-they may be spared the social and political discomfort of disagreement, but the communication of diverse political preferences is rendered ineffective.' Several factors might be expected to affect the level of political diversity-and hence the exposure to disagreement-across the range of a citizen's social contacts. First, the combination of segregated social groups and polarized political preferences reduces the likelihood of encountering alternative political viewpoints (Huckfeldt and Kohfeld 1989). Second, the level of political homogeneity within a citizen's social space is increased to the extent that citizens employ politically relevant selection criteria in constructing their own patterns of social interaction, thereby locating themselves in politically agreeable microenvironments (Finifter 1974). Finally, to the extent that individuals are either unable or disinclined to censor their patterns of political communication, the distribution of political viewpoints in the larger environment takes on heightened importance as a factor that affects individual exposure to alternative political viewpoints (Huckfeldt et al. 1995; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995). In short, the level of exposure to disagreement and diversity within patterns of political communication is problematic, both across groups and across individuals, and hence the vitality of democratic discourse is an open question. Just as important, while environmental supply and individual control affect the probabilities of exposure to alternative political viewpoints, exposure alone does not insure the effective communication of political disagreement. In order for politically diverse and disagreeable viewpoints to be communicated effectively, it is also necessary that they be perceived correctly. In this sense, effective communication depends on accurate perception. Of course, inaccurately perceived messages may also be influential, and for many purposes it is the perceived message that is most important for the choices that a citizen makes. But this does not alter the fact that incorrect perception has the potential to obscure and disguise diversity and disagreement at both the individual and aggregate levels. Several different factors serve to obscure rather than clarify the perception and expression of socially communicated political information. First, it may be help- 'None of this is meant to suggest that political disagreement is necessarily or inevitably an unpleasant experience for all individuals. Indeed, for some individuals, the expressive benefits of political discussion may even be increased as a consequence of disagreement (Fiorina 1990)Nested Environmental Effects ful to understand the ambiguous communication of political messages from a strategic standpoint (MacKuen 1990). The costs of social communication sometimes increase when disagreement is present in a relationship: for instance, it is often painful to tell highly opinionated relatives that their preferred presidential candidate is a loser! In such situations, the cost can be reduced by obfuscation if not complete avoidance. The receiver obtains an obscure message because the sender has strategically chosen to engage in political retreat. Hence, ambiguity is increased, and the likelihood of distorted communication is heightened. Second, not all ambiguity is the residue of strategic interaction. A great deal of political conversation is casual and offhand, occurring among citizens whose opinions are only weakly formulated. Thus, at one extreme we might expect ambiguity to increase as a consequence of intensely held opinions that increase the potential for conflict and thereby produce strategic retreat. At the other extreme, we might also expect ambiguity to be generated by weak or nonexistent opinions that generate vague political signals (Fazio 1990; Latane 1981; Petty and Cacioppo 1986). In summary, for a number of systematic reasons, a great deal of political communication is inevitably ambiguous and open to alternative interpretations. When citizens are confronted with ambiguous political messages, the potential for distorted communication is enhanced, and several mechanisms of distortion are well known. In particular, selective perception makes it possible for individuals to avoid, disregard, and transform messages that do not agree with their own preconceptions and viewpoints. While earlier explanations for these patterns of selective perception were anchored in dissonance theories (Festinger 1957; Fiske and Taylor 1991), it is also possible to address these processes on the basis of alternative concepts in the newer arsenal of political cognition research (Ottati and Wyer 1990). For example, individuals who receive messages that do not correspond with preexisting conceptions may simply lack a cognitive structure to incorporate the information, thereby integrating it in an inappropriate manner (Lodge and Hamill 1986). In the present context, they might incorrectly identify the message being communicated through political discussion. Ambiguity, Context, and Cognition Particularly in the context of ambiguous political messages, people are also likely to employ contextually based cognitive shortcuts in evaluating socially communicated information. In their classic articulations of representativeness and availability as judgmental heuristics, Kahneman and Tversky (1973; Tversky and Kahneman 1973, 1974) demonstrate that individuals often make judgments that seem most representative of the evidence, guided by the availability of similar past experiences (see also Kinder 1978; Sniderman, Brody, and Tetlock 1991). In the present context, consider the following evaluations of a coworker's political preference. First: Joe is a good guy; he is a lot like me; I'm voting for Bill Clinton; Joe will probably vote for Clinton too. Alternatively: Joe is a good R. Huckfeldt, P Beck, R. Dalton, J Levine, and W Morgan guy; he is a lot like the other people at work; most of them are voting for Bill Clinton; Joe will probably vote for Clinton too. In either case, expectations regarding Joe's behavior are not seriously called into question by the (perhaps intentionally) obscure message that Joe is sending.2 Mechanisms such as these might be seen in the context of behavioral and hence imperfect implementations of a Bayesian logic with prior information updated by (biased) sample data. When citizens interpret an ambiguous signal sent though social communication, they might evaluate that signal in the context of prior information, but where does such information originate? One answer is that the prior information is based on support levels in the larger environment: people who live in Democratic counties, for example, might reasonably expect their associates to be Democrats. This prior information is combined with sample data, where the sample data are obtained through personal experience-personal experience that arises due to the citizen's own biased sample of social encounters accumulated during everyday routines. Bayesian logic may not come naturally to many citizens, however, and experimental results indicate that people rely heavily on their own vivid experience (the sample data), while they systematically undervalue the prior information-Kahneman and Tversky's (1973) base rate. Several questions quite naturally arise with respect to socially communicated political information: How important are such informal sample data in the evaluation of political communication? How important is the prior information? While cognitive shortcuts may be quite efficient and perform quite well overall, they might also give rise to distortions and communication failures. In terms of political communication between discussion partners, empirical demonstrations of misperception and systematic bias in political cognition are readily available. Citizens are certainly more likely to perceive discussants' preferences accurately if they share the discussants' preferences (Huckfeldt et al. 1995; Huckfeldt and Sprague 1995), but these empirical demonstrations show something else as well. The perception of a discussant's political preference depends on contextual opinion distributions-the perception is biased in the direction of environmental preference distributions quite independently of the discussant's true preference. How should we explain these environmental effects? One explanation focuses on the importance of the external macroenvironment: people who live in Republican or Democratic communities might be more likely to generalize on the basis of these external environments when making judgments regarding a particular political message received through social communication. Consider the 1992 campaign in the context of a traditionally 2A direct parallel is readily drawn between these personal experience heuristics, on the one hand, and the structural equivalence explanations invoked by network theorists, on the other (Burt 1987). In particular, the representativeness argument suggests that people base their social and political cognitions of other individuals on the extent to which these other individuals can be seen to represent particular social categories. According to structural equivalence, one very important form of social influence derives from the extent to which one individual sees another as occupying a similar location in social structure. In both instances, social location drives perception.

Do Campaign Communications Matter for Civic Engagement

Who killed civic engagement? During the last decade multiple voices on both sides of the Atlantic have blamed campaign communications for fuelling public cynicism. In particular, political actor accounts claim that links between politicians and voters have been weakened by the adoption of professional marketing techniques, including the mÈlange of spin, packaging and pollsters. In contrast, media actor accounts hold journalistic practices in campaign coverage liable for growing public disengagement from civic affairs, and this thesis has developed into something of an unquestioned orthodoxy in the popular literature. The arguments are hardly new, but are these claims correct? Previous work by the author has argued that the process of campaign communications by politicians and journalists has not contributed towards civic disengagement (Norris 2000). This chapter, based on analysis of long-term trends in political communications in American election campaigns from the Eisenhower era in 1952 until the Bush-Gore contest in 2000, confirms that the indictment remains unproven. The chapter draws upon fifty years of National Election Surveys. Many popular commentators suggest that the American public was exceptionally disenchanted by the 2000 presidential election but, in contrast, this chapter demonstrates that, (i) contrary to popular opinion, the electorate did not display exceptional levels of disaffection in the 2000 campaign, in fact according to the standard indicators, American faith and confidence in government has been progressively restored in successive elections from 1994-2000; (ii) overall levels of political activism, interest in elections and public affairs, and attention to the news media display trendless fluctuations in successive American campaigns during the last twenty years, not a steady secular decline; and lastly that (iii) at individual-level, channels of campaign communications directly initiated by politicians and indirectly mediated by journalists are positively associated with levels of civic engagement. To develop this argument, Part I briefly summarizes the theoretical framework including conceptual models of how the process of political communications in election campaigns has been transformed over the years and theories about how these developments may have fuelled public cynicism. Part II examines whether there has been a long-term  decline in civic engagement in the United States, as many claim, monitoring trends in party canvassing, campaign activism, political interest, trust in government, and attention to the news media, drawing from the series of surveys in the American National Election Studies. Part III examines the impact of attention to the campaign on public engagement, with models conducted at individual-level. The conclusion outlines the theory of ëa virtuous circleí to explain the pattern we find. Rather than mistakenly criticizing the process of campaign communications, the study concludes that we need to understand and confront more deep-rooted flaws in American democracy. The Theoretical Framework At the most general level, campaigns can best be understood as organized efforts to inform, persuade, and mobilize. Using a simple model, campaigns include four distinct elements: the messages that the campaign organization is seeking to communicate, the channels of communication employed by these organizations, the impact of these messages on their targeted audience, and the feedback loop from the audience back to the organization. Some messages are conveyed directly from politicians to voters, such as through door-to-door canvassing, advertising, and Internet websites, but most are communicated indirectly via the prism of the news media. This process occurs within a broader social and political environment. Effective campaigns also include a dynamic feedback loop as campaign organizations learn about their targeted audience and adapt their goals and strategies accordingly. Indeed the most dramatic effect of campaigns may be evident at elite rather than mass levels, for example if electoral defeat leads towards parties adopting new policies and leaders. Understood in this way, campaigns essentially involve the interaction of political organizations, the news media as prime intermediary, and the electorate. Studying these phenomena systematically is difficult because effective research designs require analysis of dynamic linkages among all three levels and often data is only available at one, namely post-election cross-sectional surveys of the electorate. Although we commonly think of elections as the prime arena for political campaigns in fact these come in a variety shapes and forms, such as AIDS prevention and anti-smoking campaigns by public health authorities, environmental recycling campaigns by environmentalists, and attempts to win hearts and minds in the debate between transnational advocacy groups and anti-globalization movements and government and business proponents of free trade in the ëbattle for Seattleí or Quebec. Campaigns can be regarded as ëpoliticalí when the primary objective of the organization is to influence the process of governance, whether those in authority or public opinion and behavior. As other chapters in this volume discuss, the primary impact of this process may be informational, if campaigns raise public awareness and knowledge about an issue like the dangers of smoking, or problems of the ozone layer. Or the effect of a campaign may be persuasion in terms of reinforcing or changing public attitudes and values, such as levels of support for the major parties or the popularity of leaders. Or campaigns may have an effect upon mobilization, - the focus of this study ñ typified by behavior such as voting turnout and party volunteer work. Many accounts emphasize how the process of campaign communications has been transformed during the twentieth century, but nevertheless the impact of these changes upon the contents of the messages has not been well established, still less the impact of the process upon mobilizing or demobilizing the general public. Many fear that common developments in election campaigns have undermined their role as mobilizing processes. The last decade has seen growing concern in the United States about civic disengagement fuelling a half-empty ballot box. The common view is that, faced with the spectacle of American elections, the public turns off, knows little, cares less and stays home (Nye et al 1997; Ladd and Bowman 1998; Putnam 2000). Similar fears are widespread in many other democracies (Pharr and Putnam 2000). The growth of critical citizens is open to many explanations that have been explored elsewhere (Norris1999), linking public confidence with levels of government performance and value change in the political culture. One of the most popular accounts blames the process of political communications for public disengagement, especially the changing role of politicians and journalists within election campaigns. The idea that typical practices in campaign communications have fostered and generated civic malaise originated in the political science literature in the 1960s, developed in a series of scholarly articles in the post-Watergate 1970s, and rippled out to become the conventional wisdom today. The chorus of critics is loudest in the United States but similar echoes are common in Western Europe. There is nothing particularly novel about these arguments but their widespread popular acceptance means that the evidence for these claims deserves careful examination. Two main schools of thought can be identified in the literature. Political actor accounts emphasize the decline of traditional fare-to-face campaigns, eroding direct voter-politician linkages, and the rise of ëspiní and strategic news management by politicians, reducing public trust in parties and confidence in governments. Journalist actor accounts stress the shift within the news media towards covering political scandal rather than serious debate, policy strategy rather than substance, and conflict rather than consensus. These development can be regarded as complimentary, with the shift towards strategic news management by government prompting a journalistic reaction, or as two autonomous changes. Campaign demobilization? In theorizing about these developments, campaigns can be understood to have evolved through three primary stages. Pre-modern campaigns are understood to display three characteristics: the campaign organization is based upon direct and active forms of interpersonal communications between candidates and citizens at local level, with shortterm, ad-hoc planning by the party leadership. In the news media the partisan press acts as core intermediary between parties and the public. And the electorate is anchored by strong party loyalties. During this era, which predominated in Western democracies with mass-branch party organizations at least until the rise of television in the 1950s, local parties selected the candidates, rang the doorbells, posted the pamphlets, targeted the wards, planned the resources, and generally provided all the machinery linking voters and candidates. For citizens the experience is essentially locally-active, meaning that most campaigning is concentrated within communities, conducted through more demanding activities like rallies, doorstep canvassing and party meetings. Modern campaigns are defined as those with a party organization coordinated more closely at central level by political leaders, advised by external professional consultants like opinion pollsters. In the news media, national television becomes the principle forum of campaign events, a more distant experience for most voters, supplementing other media. And the electorate becomes increasingly decoupled from party and group loyalties. Politicians and professional advisors conduct polls, design advertisements, schedule the theme de jour, leadership tours, news conferences and photo opportunities, handle the press, and battle to dominate the nightly television news. For citizens, the typical experience of the election becomes more centrally-passive, in the sense that the main focus of the campaign is located within national television studios, not local meetings, so that he experience becomes more distant. Lastly post-modern campaigns are understood as those where the coterie of professional consultants on advertising, public opinion, marketing and strategic news management become more co-equal actors with politicians, assuming an increasingly influential role within government in a ëpermanentí campaign, as well as coordinating local activity more tightly at the grassroots. The news media fragments into a more complex and incoherent environment of multiple channels, outlets, and levels. And the electorate becomes more dealigned in their party choices. The election may represent a return to some of the forms of engagement found in the pre-modern stage, as the new channels of communication allow greater interactivity between voters and politicians. Post-modern types of communication can be conceptualized to fall somewhere between the locallyactive dimension of traditional campaigns and the centrally-passive experience characteristic of television-dominated elections. Case studies suggest that political campaigns in many nations have been transformed by the widespread adoption of political marketing techniques, although countries have not simply imported American

Blade Runner – Future Vision

Scott’s “Blade Runner” did not have it easy. The director of “Black Hawk Down” in 1982 was not just predominantly friendly film criticism and also faced a tough competition: Spielberg’s “E.T.”. No “Oscar” was seen far and wide, only two nominations. “Blade Runner” is a “visually, but also dramatically fascinating,” futuristic “, a” science fiction western “that revolves around the question of what humanity ultimately makes – photographed in a gloomy, dirty world of the year 2019 “Shadows” (1980), Fred Zinnemann’s “High Noon” (1952), and “Metropolis” (1927) are all the more obvious ,

With the introduction, the film begins: “At the beginning of the 21st century, the Tyrell Corporation introduced robots into the” Nexus “phase, creating a completely identical human being – the replicant. These artificial humans of the Nexus 6 phase were stronger, more agile, and at least as intelligent as the genetics engineers who created them. Replicants were abused as slaves in the dangerous exploration and colonization of other planets.

After the bloody mutiny of a Nexus 6 combat group in a colony on another planet, replicators were banned from returning to Earth, threatening the death penalty. Special police units – the ‘Blade Runner’ – were ordered to kill any replicator discovered on Earth. One did not call it execution, but ‘pull it out of circulation.’ “Blade Runner Holden (Morgan Paull) is waiting for Leon (Brion James) in a dreary room. Leon enters the room, seemingly confused, almost frightened, while Holden, smoking a cigarette, makes his strange questions ice-cold. He performs the Voightkampff test. Leon is getting more nervous from question to question. Suddenly, he pulls a weapon and gives two shots to his counterpart after Holden has asked him to tell him all the positives to his mother. Holden is dead. Rick Deckard (Harrison Ford) is unemployed and alone. He was a Blade Runner some time ago. One sees him sitting on the street, reading the newspaper, waiting. He is hungry and is waiting for the snack bar to get free on the other side of the road. He has hardly eaten anything when suddenly the policeman Gaff (Edward James Olmos) stands behind him and ultimately calls him to drive with him to Polizeichef Bryant (M. Emmet Walsh). Bryant looks at Deckard briefly and gives him – who is no longer working for the police – an order: six replicas killed 23 people and would be illegally on the earth. He needed him to kill her. Deckard has no choice. Either he’s back with him, or he has to be afraid of his life. “If you’re not a cop, you’re little people.” Bryant tells Deckard that the Nexus 6 replicas have a lifetime of four years, because they are so equipped that they can develop their own emotional world over time. He could convince himself of this risk.

In the Tyrell Corporation, he is to test a replicator. Deckard does not know he is facing one such when he first sees Rachael at Tyrell (Joe Turkel). Rachael also thinks she is a human being. Over a hundred questions, Deckard calls Rachael. When she leaves Tyrell’s office, Deckard asks Tyrell, “She’s a replica, is not she?” Tyrell said yes, but one that had implanted memories – more human than man, more perfect than man. So she does not know she is not a human being.

When Rachael is standing in front of his doorstep and offers him his help, she leaves Deckard reluctantly and makes her realize that she can not be a human being. He tells her about “her” childhood, which is really the expression of implanted memory of another person , The replicators Roy Batty (Rutgerhauer), Leon and Pris (Daryl Hannah) are looking for a way to get to Tyrell. They assume that Tyrell is the only one who can extend their lifetime. The “eyewitness” Chew (James Hong) refers her to Tyrell’s co-worker, J.F. Sebastian (William Sanderson), a designer of artificial life. Pris makes contact with Sebastian and Roy forces him to lead her to Tyrell. However, Roy explains that there is no way to extend her life. Tyrell must pay with his life. During this, Leon Deckard threatens. Shortly before he wants to get his eyes out, Rachael Deckard saves Leon by a targeted shot. Deckard himself finds the serpent Zhora (Joanna Cassidy) and can kill her: he shoots her from behind. There are only Roy and Pris, the Deckard with Sebastian in the apartment track. And Rachael, to which Deckard developed a ambivalent relationship. He seems to love her …Scott’s science fiction is filled with intentional associations, hints, references to religious myths, etc. These associations are not staged, merely indicated, named, and left to the viewer to draw his conclusions. “Blade Runner” is one of the few films in the film history, which is also one of the “wildest” speculations – also because they refuse to offer any solutions , Reflections, interpretations. The world that Scott shows is a dark, torn, steamy, smoking, wet, cold, machine world. The huge video commercials preach superficially, but on closer inspection rather sarcastic commentary on this world, which seems to have been divided into people of flesh and blood here, in skin-covered artificial replicas there. A devilish industrial estate covers the globe. Smog and fire have evidently been laid down forever over the living and their cities. The streets are filthy, it almost always rains, the building in which Sebastian lives is almost completely decayed. Bright artificial light seems to be the only source of brightness. The figures live largely from their artifacts. But this is, in a sense, not a homogeneous world. It consists of the relics of different epochs and decades, especially of the 20th century, with regard to clothing, interior decoration of the rooms, buildings, a miscellany framed by Vangelis music. Like thousands of layers, history piles up in the images, dead, and seeming, which seems to evade explanations, solutions, answers. The association to Kubrick’s “2001: A Space Odyssey” is sometimes striking, not in the way of narrative, concrete visualization, but in the overwhelming feeling of a world in which people seem to hide from their own development without them awareness.

At all, “Blade Runner” is not a narrative, not a drama in the current sense. The end point and the starting point are almost identical. When the hunt ends, nothing has changed. Or is it? This world shows Scott to the excess. The camera rushes through it as if we were part of this world. And we are somehow too. The eye plays a special role. The eye seems to be the only means of grasping this world, but actually conceals the secrets of this bombastic art-product “world”. People can recognize replicas just about the eye, its metallic luster – they believe. But is this the ultimate truth? Even this is not really safe in this world. Tyrell, Chew and the snake-maker wear monstrous spectacle frames to see better. Through them we also see. But what do we and she see and is that “the reality”? Or which? The eye also stands for the camera, the film. Scott’s camera is part of this hodgepodge of eyes that are supposedly not cheating. Seeing is, on the one hand, the almost one, at least the most important, possibility of understanding the world; on the other hand, this vision is held in a subjective sphere, which renders the person of knowledge lonely. It is “only” his recognition of the world, which he perceives through the eye, which itself separates through a membrane inner and outer.

The eye also means being seen. The replicants like the people but want to hide themselves, the one because they do not want to be killed, the others because they want to kill. Pris paints her face, her eyes color, plays a doll in Sebastian’s apartment, as Deckard is on her trail. She hides herself. Everyone is hiding. The replicants appear – not only once – as an artificial reflection of the human, which seems lost. However, the recognition of the replicas over the eyes itself is doubtful. The question test is doubtful. Over a hundred questions, Deckard raises Rachael and is not sure afterwards whether she belongs to the replicants. Deckard already belongs to the doubters in this world, which he himself belongs to. He does not want to take responsibility for the consequences of technological development. That’s why he’s no longer a Blade Runner. His superficial hardness, which he had learned as a policeman, as a hunter, now serves him as a protective shield. He has failed and he does not even know how far he has failed. In the end, when he enters the elevator with Rachael, he can no longer be sure whether he is not a replica himself. Scott also leaves this question open, but he places it, he confronts the viewer with the possibility. Perhaps Deckard belongs, perhaps all the others who consider themselves to be human belong only to another sort of replicant. Finally, even Rachael can not recognize by herself whether she is human or replica.

The initial scene between Leon and Holden, this futile, lethal process of “knowing”, reproduces itself in the conversation between Deckard and Bryant, later between Roy and Tyrell. It just seems to be one thing: to recognize, to search for reality and truth. The boundaries between man and replicator are becoming increasingly clear. The difference seems to be an invention, production of ideology. The replicants appear like their oppressed and their life-oppressed oppressed, who as if they fall from heaven-on the earth in a kind of revolt want to strip their colonial status. Tyrell, the most powerful man, has to pay for it: a father’s murder, which Roy does to him by squeezing his head in his eyes, taking a look at him, and life. Is seeing really as important as Scott tells us? Or is there already a huge fallacy here – potentiated by the power of the visual in the film? (1)

The replicant does not represent Scott as dull, unfeeling, technically “barbaric” figures, but as ambivalent as humans. In Rachael, this is the most obvious, the replica who can remember, who insists Deckard the words she does not know: “Kiss me, I want you, put your arms around me.” These words does not know Rachael because she is in their (implanted?) memory do not occur. When she asks him if he ever did the test, she tells him that he too can not be sure to be human. They look into each other’s eyes, are lonely – also a hint in the film, which is always emphasized: the loneliness of all the characters – but for a brief moment in the other, are reflected, do what has lost this world seems – a “certain” certainty, reliability.

Roy, too, is not the brutal machine that he might appear at first. When his time has expired, he saves his life on the hunt between him and Deckard. While Deckard initially showed a very distant relationship with Rachael, culminating in the fact that he was forcing her to flee from a kiss on the wall violently, from this point onwards, both relationships are changing. Ultimately, they no longer see a serious difference between themselves , From the “It”, which Rachael was to Deckard, has become a “you,” the unintelligible for Rachael, the erotic, not just the sexual, has become part of her memory. The relationship between Roy and Tyrell is different: Roy is looking for life, the longer life, his clock threatens to run off. His “father” tells him that he can not help him. From a “technicistic” relationship between father and son results the murder. Roy kills Tyrell because his father did not give him a life, but only a certain death without a life in freedom, an existence without vitality.

The dream of life is “Blade Runner”, but only the dream. Neither the people – who may be replicas – nor the replicas – who are perhaps (mutated?) People – the most hotly controversial issue that has been and will be discussed intensively – see (eyes!) Another way to live through violence. With two exceptions: the “miraculous” rescue of Deckard by Roy and the unicorn that Deckard appears in the dream as he looks at his family photos. The unicorn symbolizes the innocence and purity, the feminine principle of the receiving and instinctive, the unconditional love, also for the healing of wounds, the resurrection of the unicorn, assuming that it places its head in the womb of a virgin and thereby loses its wildness Dead, nature (according to the mythical being, when a poisonous river touches the horn, the water would have been pure again). The unicorn was hunted and exterminated. It is precisely this longing for innocence, love, and purity – in this form an “absolute” desire, a fantasy for perfection, but also the longing for a fundamentally different life – in a brief moment at Deckard.

“Blade Runner” could be a lot of writing, interpreting, feeling. Some think the film manipulates exclusively by its visual power, but does not contain much more. So a typical example of the power of the images, the glare? Also! But the deconstruction of these images reveals, in my opinion, central moments with regard to the question – not the answer – what constitutes humanity. These include the importance of remembrance as a major instigating moment, the lostness in the pseudo- objectivity of the “post-industrial” age, the illusion about the power of technology and the illusion about the impotence of the “technological” social fabric, feminine and “the” male view, which is not necessarily manifested through personalization on gender, about loneliness and connectedness, separation and context – and perhaps more. Also, by the way, how we (also movies): see. “Blade Runner” has the “advantage” – like few other films in the sea of ​​the (cinema) pictures – to be able to reveal new discoveries at every sight. That depends on each and every individual.

Sample Endnotes in MLA Style

If you indent your paragraphs, the entire essay is typed double-spaced. Title of essay centered, 1” (2.5 cm) margin on all four sides, page number at upper right hand corner ½” (1.25 cm) down from the top.

If your instructor prefers that you do not indent your paragraphs, you must still double-space your lines, but you will need to quadruple-space between paragraphs.

Endnotes must be listed numerically and consecutively, both in your essay and in your Endnote citation. Endnote numbers must be superscripted. In your text, add a superscripted number immediately after the quote or reference cited with no space.

Endnotes must be added on a separate Endnotes or Notes page at the end of your essay just before the Works Cited or Bibliography page. All first Endnote references must be cited in full. Subsequent references of the same work may be shortened to include only the author’s last name and page number. If the source cited has no author stated, use whatever minimal information is needed to identify the same work previously cited, e.g. short title and page number. Formerly, the Latin terms ibid. and op. cit. were used but they are no longer preferred.

It is recommended that you use Endnotes in place of Footnotes. This will eliminate the need to allow sufficient space to accommodate all the required Footnote entries at the bottom of the same page where your citations occur. If your instructor has no preference, use the much simpler Parenthetical Documentation in place of Footnotes or Endnotes.

Jones 1

Tracy Jones

Mr. K. Smith

ENG-4GN-01

18 April 2006

The Many Facets of Taboo

The World Book Encyclopedia defines Taboo as “an action, object, person, or place forbidden

by law or culture.”¹

An encyclopedia of the occult points out that taboo is found among many other cultures

including the ancient Egyptians, Jews and others.²

Mary Douglas has analyzed the many facets and interpretations of taboos across

various cultures. She points out that the word “taboo” originates from the Polynesian

languages meaning a religious restriction.³ She finds that “taboos flow from social

boundaries and support the social structure.”⁴

In reference to Freak Shows at circuses, Rothenberg makes the observation that

people who possess uncommon features and who willingly go out in public to display

such oddities to onlookers are acting as “modern-day taboo breakers” by crossing

the “final boundary between societal acceptance and ostracism.”⁵

In traditional British East Africa, between the time of puberty and marriage, a young

Akamba girl must maintain an avoidance relationship with her own father.⁶

Looking at taboo in a modern society, Marvin Harris gives an interesting example of the

application of cultural materialism to the Hindu taboo against eating beef.⁷

Begin your Endnotes page by centering the title Endnotes or Notes 1″ (2.5 cm) or about 6 lines from the top of the page. Double-space your entries, indent each Endnote citation 1/2″ (1.25 cm) or 5 spaces from the left margin, do not indent subsequent lines, add a superscripted Endnote citation number at the beginning of each citation, leave one space after the superscripted number, and list entries in the same numerical order as they appear in the text of your paper.

For samples of numerous other Endnote citations, please see MLA Handbook for Writers of Research Papers, 6th ed., pages 300-313.

Endnotes

¹Alan Dundes, “Taboo,” World Book Encyclopedia. 2000 ed.

² “Taboo,” Occultopedia: Encyclopedia of Occult Sciences and Knowledge,

Site created and designed by Marcus V. Gay, 18 Jan. 2005 <http://www.occultopedia.com/

t/taboo.htm>.

³ Mary Douglas, “Taboo,” Man, Myth & Magic, ed. Richard Cavendish,

new ed., 21 vols. (New York: Cavendish, 1994) 2546.

⁴ Douglas 2549.

⁵ Kelly Rothenberg, “Tattooed People as Taboo Figures in Modern Society,”

1996, BME / Psyber City, 18 Jan. 2005 <http://bme.freeq.com/tatoo/tattab.html>.

⁶ Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo (New York: Random, 1918) 17.

⁷ Marvin Harris, “The Cultural Ecology of India’s Sacred Cattle,” Current

Anthropology 1992, 7:51-66, qtd. in McGrath, “Ecological Anthropology,” Anthropological

Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students 19 Oct. 2001, U. of Alabama,

18 Jan. 2005 <http://www.as.ua.edu/ant/Faculty/Murphy/ecologic.htm>.

If your instructor considers your Endnotes to be adequate documentation, you may not be required to complete a Works Cited, References or Bibliography page. Otherwise, a separate page must be added at the end of your paper entitled: Works Cited, References, or Bibliography to include all of the citations already listed on your Endnotes or Notes page. See example below.

Works Cited

Douglas, Mary. “Taboo.” Man, Myth & Magic. Ed. Richard Cavendish. New ed.

21 vols. New York: Cavendish, 1994. 2546-2549.

Dundes, Alan. “Taboo.” The World Book Encyclopedia. 2000 ed.

Freud, Sigmund. Totem and Taboo. New York: Random, 1918.

McGrath, Stacy. “Ecological Anthropology.” Anthropological Theories: A Guide

Prepared by Students for Students. 19 Oct. 2001. U. of Alabama. 18 Jan. 2005

<http://www.as.ua.edu/ant/Faculty/Murphy/ecologic.htm>.

Rothenberg, Kelly. “Tattooed People as Taboo Figures in Modern Society.”

1996. BME/Psyber City. 18 Jan. 2005 <http://www.bme.freeq.com/tattoo/

tattab.html>.

“Taboo.” Occultopedia: Encyclopedia of Occult Sciences and Knowledge.  Site created

and designed by Marcus V. Gay. 18 Jan. 2005 <http://www.occultopedia.com/t/

taboo.htm>.

• 
  

beautiful words for girls 7/2017 (ARTİCLE)

The world in 2 Color roses, one red and the other white, reds, you left I miss you, I miss you, if you get a white Shroud. You think I miss you, in the depth of the longing of love what happens when her legs dirt devil Remember me, in the cool of a fall. I didn't like you yesterday because yesterday is over. I don't like you today because it ends today. Your love, tomorrow never ends. Roses are always on their hands you're hungry, but the spines sank. Love always find you, but hitting you. Your heart always filled with happiness, but to make me forget.  You sometimes pitch-dark night, my sun, so that will give you the courage to live life, sometimes happiness, sometimes and always my love is the only reason.  When I held you, the sea was able to. When I held you, my heart undercurrent, I'd love to go on the back of mosses Yesil stuck for days.  Chichewa you're in the desert you; lose you; if I would water with my tears dripping in my eyes for you if you were to lose; I wouldn't cry for you.  Someone near me with him, and he has denied everything even though you're convinced you've captured the heart of offered by moved him though, I know you you'll think of me tonight.

beautiful words for girls 6/2017

 One day a wind. Don't forget me my love for you the way you love me in a pinch of fisildarsa ear. Imagine a lonely night who have the hope of the helpless, lips the rain on the streets, you only you're mine, sweetheart. Although in the Rose Garden passed life, I believe, rose to the top even though you smell I can smell that rose from my death worth dying for rose. You'll be the sun that wears yellow, she wears marine blue, you'll be you'll be in mourning black, who knows maybe one day you'll be mine wears white. Rose petals with daisies embellished your bed with your dreams, love dreams and all the nightmares that I got over with the most beautiful cover you see. Light a light so dark that sometimes life happens you drop it you won't find a thousand. But with the smile of someone you love forget.

nice words for girls 5/2017

How should I, my darling, you looked so beautiful and my eyes, love will not die, I suppose. He asked if I had your coffee sweet. I thought it would be a shame when you have in front of me. I'm too shy, I can't say I live the loneliness, they say you love that words aren't enough. His head nestled against my chest there is a single enemy: the time that subsistence goes. Though all the seas ink and all trees pen in the world, though I can't write your poem, though.

nice words for girls 4/2017

If I trust you with my heart, will you protect? Heaven on the tip of my tongue, my passion now at the end ‘your life will you be?  You shoulder the burden of my heart it's not. On my skin it's not me. Transported back to the heart is heavy.
Me if on this street, in this neighborhood, in this city, if you can't find, baby I've had. The river, your eyes, Lashes Bridge, while passing through the ropes come off full of going to get the place that I fell your lips. Deciduous quoted in red below the silence between the lines drawn and my initials of my youth.

nice words for girls 3/2017

What a wise darling, you looked so beautiful that my eyes, not love, but death came from me. He asked me if I had a cup of coffee. I said it would be a shame when you have me.
I am ashamed, I can not say the loneliness I have lived, the words are not enough, There is only one enemy when the head rests on the chest: the time when you are alive.
If it is a pen, all the trees in the world and all the seas are ink, but I can not write your poetry anyway.
I want a love of sight. I will die when I see it.

nice words for girls 2/2017

If you like this city, if you have it, it is for it. Watching those bead eyes is a thousand times better than watching Ortakoy's throat. Whether it's a wound or a wound. Lütfun also sucks on my head. The hard winds loved the dark nights, just like I loved you. Those who love you as much as I do, you are as hard as I am.Our love is like a slow rainfall, but the cinsten floods the rivers.

Even if you can not touch it, you are as close to me as I can be.

When I hear your voice, a pigeon fly from my chest takes off into the sky.

Do not ask me when I'll forget you. Because I do not know when I will die.

nice words for girls 1/2017

Headline: All the world's poems are written on you. Every poet seems to know you. If you do not get a kiss, it's a lie. The more you wrap it up, the sooner you leave. Love me so much that I envy me. Love is to die, I think I loved it before I died. In the end, the name of many things was written small so that you would come. The world is so determined that the only light that illuminates you is my eyes.
I want to be your life I start with you and end with you. If you do not want me to have a two day old beloved heart, love me for a lifetime. My God! Do not call it love, because you do not write it as a wife. If my heart is too old to forget you, my hands are so strong that it will tear it apart

Kızlar için güzel sözler, 22/2017

Manşet: Dünyanın bütün şiirleri senin üzerine yazılmış gibi. Her şair sanki seni tanıyormuş gibi.